On Thursday, July 7, 2022 at 6:33:42 AM UTC+8, David P. wrote:

Taliban Splits Emerge Over Religion, Power and Girls’ Schools
By Sune Engel Rasmussen & Margherita Stancati, July 1, 2022, WSJ

Those in the Taliban with more moderate views, including many in government, argue there is no religious justification for banning teenage girls from school, so long as they are segregated from males.

The hard-liners have outsize influence on the Taliban’s ultimate decision maker, Supreme Leader Mullah Haibatullah Akhundzada, according to Taliban members and others familiar with the group’s inner workings.

All Taliban factions remain loyal to Mullah Haibatullah, a former chief justice who took the helm of the movement in 2016. Since they came to power in August, senior Taliban officials took over ministerial positions in Kabul. But ultimate power remains

in the hands of the reclusive Mullah Haibatullah, who rarely leaves Kandahar, the Taliban’s traditional heartland.

In rare public remarks delivered on Friday, Mullah Haibatullah stressed the need to overcome differences.

“Our survival depends on our unity,” he said at the meeting with the religious council. It was Mullah Haibatullah’s first-ever known trip to Kabul.

In his speech, he also said the religious council, or ulama, would take on a more prominent role in government and that “very pure and independent Shariah,” or Islamic law, would be implemented. He didn’t mention women.

Communication between the supreme leader’s circle in Kandahar and the government in Kabul is limited, often depending on written notes carried by messengers, a habit from the insurgency.

“The problem of the [education] framework was that it was created in Kabul and the leadership wasn’t kept in the loop,” said Sharif, a pseudonym for a Taliban insider who is one of the messengers. “Some of the ministers may get the idea that

they are the biggest decision makers, forgetting about the leadership in Kandahar.”

A cabinet meeting held days before the schools were supposed to reopen in March illustrated the divide. Taliban government ministers traveled to Kandahar for what was only the second full meeting of the Taliban government attended by Mullah Haibatullah

since last year’s takeover, according to several people briefed on the meeting.

Two ministers for education gave presentations on the planned school reopening. They were caught unprepared by unexpected opposition from the Taliban’s religious council, according to several people briefed on the meeting.

Shahbuddin Delawar, the minister of mines, spoke out in favor of reopening all girls’ schools, arguing that it would stabilize the new Taliban government. Women’s education is important both for domestic legitimacy and to obtain international

recognition, he said, according to two of those people.

Mullah Haibatullah listened in silence. At the end of the meeting, he said the reopening of schools for teenage girls would be put on hold until further notice, according to people with knowledge of the Kandahar meetings.

In the weeks after Mullah Haibatullah decided to maintain the schooling ban, some senior Taliban urged him to reconsider. A commission was set up to draft a list of policy recommendations to enable all schools to reopen, which was submitted to Mullah

Haibatullah.

Mullah Haibatullah isn’t opposed to girls’ education in principle, said Abdul Rahman Tayebi, an aide of the supreme leader. “But he’s against moral corruption,” he added. Several issues must be overcome, including girls’ dress, the need for

female-only teachers for female students, and how girls would get to school and back without encountering unrelated males, said Mr. Tayebi. He also cited financial challenges.

“It is necessary for us to provide education to every man and every woman of this country,” said Sher Mohammed Abbas Stanikzai, the deputy minister of foreign affairs, in televised remarks in June. “Education is their natural, Islamic and Shariah

right.”

In recent years, many Taliban officials in exile in Pakistan and Qatar sent their daughters to local schools and universities. After the takeover, some Taliban commanders brought their daughters to Afghanistan on the assumption they would be allowed to

continue their education. Many were shocked by the decision in March.

“When I heard about it, I got very upset. If a woman is educated, she can educate the whole community,” said Hakimullah, a pseudonym for a neighborhood Taliban intelligence chief in Kabul. “It was a mistake, and they should rethink it,” he said.

“This is a decision that concerns all Afghans, not just a few.”

Taliban members have also expressed anger publicly over an order by the leadership in May that all Afghan women should cover their faces in public.

“We shouldn’t hide the identity of women in society,” said Jawed Nizami, a 39-year-old Taliban commander from Paktia province. He said he would refuse to work for the government if it continued to impose limits primarily on women. “It’s also

a man’s responsibility to not look at women he isn’t related to,” he said. “We shouldn’t lay all the blame at the feet of women.”

Rival factions
-------------------
Particularly outspoken about girls’ right to education are the leaders and members of the Haqqani network, a Taliban faction that was responsible for some of the deadliest attacks during the war but whose members are comparatively moderate on social

issues.

Anas Haqqani, a senior member of the network, said in May he was confident that teenage girls would soon be allowed back to school, in accordance with Islamic law and cultural values.

“If a matter isn’t prohibited by Islam and Shariah law…it should not be banned by an Islamic government,” Mr. Haqqani said in a televised address.

Two groups in particular are feuding over power.

On one side are Taliban from Kandahar and other southern provinces who are close to Mullah Abdul Ghani Baradar, a co-founder of the Taliban who remains one of its most important political leaders.

On the other is the Haqqani network, known for its military strength, rooted in the country’s east and centered around the family of the same name.

Tensions between the two factions surfaced early on over who deserves the credit for winning power last August.

Mullah Baradar, who negotiated the 2020 deal that paved the way for the U.S. withdrawal, cast it as a diplomatic victory. The Haqqanis, who long supplied the Taliban with suicide bombers from their religious schools, said the victory was achieved

through fighting.

The southerners complain that military power is too concentrated in the hands of the Haqqanis, whose leader, Sirajuddin Haqqani, is serving as interior minister. The Haqqanis complain that the southerners have taken most other government jobs.

“The Haqqanis made more sacrifices. We gave more suicide bombers,” said a former Haqqani commander who recently left the Taliban. “But the Kandaharis get all the jobs.”

Economic pressure
-----------------
While the leadership squabbles, many ordinary Taliban fighters are becoming increasingly disenchanted.

Fighters who dedicated years, even decades of their life to the armed struggle say they expected to be rewarded for their sacrifices with jobs and money. Instead, they say they don’t even have enough money to buy food.

“I have given martyrs from my family, but I still have no salary,” said Qari Abdullah, a 40-year-old former Taliban commander who recently left the movement. “I have to feed 10 people. When we cook something, everyone fights over the food.”

Since the Taliban takeover, Afghanistan’s economy has nosedived, with 95% of the population not eating sufficiently according to the U.N. Frozen central-bank assets, international sanctions and a sharp drop in foreign assistance are contributing to

the economic crisis.

The U.S., other Western countries and international organizations including the United Nations and the World Bank have said that the continued ban on girls’ education is an obstacle to unlocking more international assistance for Afghanistan.

The most formidable armed opposition group in Afghanistan is the local branch of Islamic State, which has long recruited members from disenchanted Taliban. Since the Taliban takeover it launched a spate of deadly attacks, mostly targeting Shiites.

There is also the National Resistance Front of Afghanistan, an anti-Taliban group established after the fall of the Republic that includes some of its former leaders.

As it strives to build a new Afghan state under immense economic pressure, the Taliban leadership has sought to keep a lid on the differences. It has tried to stifle criticism by threatening its subordinates with lengthy prison sentences if they speak

to the media.

“If we give room for religious debate, it may lead to other problems, such as strengthening terrorist groups,” said Sharif, the Taliban messenger.

The revived and much-feared religious police recently issued a raft of new social restrictions that many Afghans, including many Taliban members, oppose. Among them: Women must be accompanied by male relatives when traveling outside their hometowns;

all male government workers must grow out their beards; and men and women can’t go to amusement parks on the same day.

Abdullah Omari, a 30-year-old regional director of the religious police, said that it is the Taliban’s duty to return Afghans to the righteous path they strayed from under foreign influence. “This cannot be a surprise to them,” said Mr. Omari. “

They knew that when the Taliban came, there would be new rules.”

https://www.wsj.com/articles/taliban-splits-afghanistan-religion-girls-schools-11656682831

These are some of the common problems between people from different factions trying to seize enough power and taking enough of jobs for each other.

People in power leadership gives the best jobs to their own people and family and friends, too. Such infighting is happening around the world, too. If not who would want to support their party. Right?

For country like Afghanistan and other countries of similar background, they have to squabble and fighting in order to bring an end of the differences. However, it will resolve on its own,


--- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05
* Origin: fsxNet Usenet Gateway (21:1/5)

On Thursday, July 7, 2022 at 12:57:04 PM UTC-4, stoney wrote:

On Thursday, July 7, 2022 at 6:33:42 AM UTC+8, David P. wrote:

Taliban Splits Emerge Over Religion, Power and Girls’ Schools
By Sune Engel Rasmussen & Margherita Stancati, July 1, 2022, WSJ

Those in the Taliban with more moderate views, including many in government, argue there is no religious justification for banning teenage girls from school, so long as they are segregated from males.

The hard-liners have outsize influence on the Taliban’s ultimate decision maker, Supreme Leader Mullah Haibatullah Akhundzada, according to Taliban members and others familiar with the group’s inner workings.

All Taliban factions remain loyal to Mullah Haibatullah, a former chief justice who took the helm of the movement in 2016. Since they came to power in August, senior Taliban officials took over ministerial positions in Kabul. But ultimate power

remains in the hands of the reclusive Mullah Haibatullah, who rarely leaves Kandahar, the Taliban’s traditional heartland.

In rare public remarks delivered on Friday, Mullah Haibatullah stressed the need to overcome differences.

“Our survival depends on our unity,” he said at the meeting with the religious council. It was Mullah Haibatullah’s first-ever known trip to Kabul.

In his speech, he also said the religious council, or ulama, would take on a more prominent role in government and that “very pure and independent Shariah,” or Islamic law, would be implemented. He didn’t mention women.

Communication between the supreme leader’s circle in Kandahar and the government in Kabul is limited, often depending on written notes carried by messengers, a habit from the insurgency.

“The problem of the [education] framework was that it was created in Kabul and the leadership wasn’t kept in the loop,” said Sharif, a pseudonym for a Taliban insider who is one of the messengers. “Some of the ministers may get the idea that

they are the biggest decision makers, forgetting about the leadership in Kandahar.”

A cabinet meeting held days before the schools were supposed to reopen in March illustrated the divide. Taliban government ministers traveled to Kandahar for what was only the second full meeting of the Taliban government attended by Mullah

Haibatullah since last year’s takeover, according to several people briefed on the meeting.

Two ministers for education gave presentations on the planned school reopening. They were caught unprepared by unexpected opposition from the Taliban’s religious council, according to several people briefed on the meeting.

Shahbuddin Delawar, the minister of mines, spoke out in favor of reopening all girls’ schools, arguing that it would stabilize the new Taliban government. Women’s education is important both for domestic legitimacy and to obtain international

recognition, he said, according to two of those people.

Mullah Haibatullah listened in silence. At the end of the meeting, he said the reopening of schools for teenage girls would be put on hold until further notice, according to people with knowledge of the Kandahar meetings.

In the weeks after Mullah Haibatullah decided to maintain the schooling ban, some senior Taliban urged him to reconsider. A commission was set up to draft a list of policy recommendations to enable all schools to reopen, which was submitted to Mullah

Haibatullah.

Mullah Haibatullah isn’t opposed to girls’ education in principle, said Abdul Rahman Tayebi, an aide of the supreme leader. “But he’s against moral corruption,” he added. Several issues must be overcome, including girls’ dress, the need

for female-only teachers for female students, and how girls would get to school and back without encountering unrelated males, said Mr. Tayebi. He also cited financial challenges.

“It is necessary for us to provide education to every man and every woman of this country,” said Sher Mohammed Abbas Stanikzai, the deputy minister of foreign affairs, in televised remarks in June. “Education is their natural, Islamic and

Shariah right.”

In recent years, many Taliban officials in exile in Pakistan and Qatar sent their daughters to local schools and universities. After the takeover, some Taliban commanders brought their daughters to Afghanistan on the assumption they would be allowed

to continue their education. Many were shocked by the decision in March.

“When I heard about it, I got very upset. If a woman is educated, she can educate the whole community,” said Hakimullah, a pseudonym for a neighborhood Taliban intelligence chief in Kabul. “It was a mistake, and they should rethink it,” he

said. “This is a decision that concerns all Afghans, not just a few.”

Taliban members have also expressed anger publicly over an order by the leadership in May that all Afghan women should cover their faces in public.

“We shouldn’t hide the identity of women in society,” said Jawed Nizami, a 39-year-old Taliban commander from Paktia province. He said he would refuse to work for the government if it continued to impose limits primarily on women. “It’s

also a man’s responsibility to not look at women he isn’t related to,” he said. “We shouldn’t lay all the blame at the feet of women.”

Rival factions
-------------------
Particularly outspoken about girls’ right to education are the leaders and members of the Haqqani network, a Taliban faction that was responsible for some of the deadliest attacks during the war but whose members are comparatively moderate on

social issues.

Anas Haqqani, a senior member of the network, said in May he was confident that teenage girls would soon be allowed back to school, in accordance with Islamic law and cultural values.

“If a matter isn’t prohibited by Islam and Shariah law…it should not be banned by an Islamic government,” Mr. Haqqani said in a televised address.

Two groups in particular are feuding over power.

On one side are Taliban from Kandahar and other southern provinces who are close to Mullah Abdul Ghani Baradar, a co-founder of the Taliban who remains one of its most important political leaders.

On the other is the Haqqani network, known for its military strength, rooted in the country’s east and centered around the family of the same name.

Tensions between the two factions surfaced early on over who deserves the credit for winning power last August.

Mullah Baradar, who negotiated the 2020 deal that paved the way for the U.S. withdrawal, cast it as a diplomatic victory. The Haqqanis, who long supplied the Taliban with suicide bombers from their religious schools, said the victory was achieved

through fighting.

The southerners complain that military power is too concentrated in the hands of the Haqqanis, whose leader, Sirajuddin Haqqani, is serving as interior minister. The Haqqanis complain that the southerners have taken most other government jobs.

“The Haqqanis made more sacrifices. We gave more suicide bombers,” said a former Haqqani commander who recently left the Taliban. “But the Kandaharis get all the jobs.”

Economic pressure
-----------------
While the leadership squabbles, many ordinary Taliban fighters are becoming increasingly disenchanted.

Fighters who dedicated years, even decades of their life to the armed struggle say they expected to be rewarded for their sacrifices with jobs and money. Instead, they say they don’t even have enough money to buy food.

“I have given martyrs from my family, but I still have no salary,” said Qari Abdullah, a 40-year-old former Taliban commander who recently left the movement. “I have to feed 10 people. When we cook something, everyone fights over the food.”

Since the Taliban takeover, Afghanistan’s economy has nosedived, with 95% of the population not eating sufficiently according to the U.N. Frozen central-bank assets, international sanctions and a sharp drop in foreign assistance are contributing to

the economic crisis.

The U.S., other Western countries and international organizations including the United Nations and the World Bank have said that the continued ban on girls’ education is an obstacle to unlocking more international assistance for Afghanistan.

The most formidable armed opposition group in Afghanistan is the local branch of Islamic State, which has long recruited members from disenchanted Taliban. Since the Taliban takeover it launched a spate of deadly attacks, mostly targeting Shiites.

There is also the National Resistance Front of Afghanistan, an anti-Taliban group established after the fall of the Republic that includes some of its former leaders.

As it strives to build a new Afghan state under immense economic pressure, the Taliban leadership has sought to keep a lid on the differences. It has tried to stifle criticism by threatening its subordinates with lengthy prison sentences if they

speak to the media.

“If we give room for religious debate, it may lead to other problems, such as strengthening terrorist groups,” said Sharif, the Taliban messenger.

The revived and much-feared religious police recently issued a raft of new social restrictions that many Afghans, including many Taliban members, oppose. Among them: Women must be accompanied by male relatives when traveling outside their hometowns;

all male government workers must grow out their beards; and men and women can’t go to amusement parks on the same day.

Abdullah Omari, a 30-year-old regional director of the religious police, said that it is the Taliban’s duty to return Afghans to the righteous path they strayed from under foreign influence. “This cannot be a surprise to them,” said Mr. Omari. �

��They knew that when the Taliban came, there would be new rules.”

https://www.wsj.com/articles/taliban-splits-afghanistan-religion-girls-schools-11656682831

These are some of the common problems between people from different factions trying to seize enough power and taking enough of jobs for each other.

People in power leadership gives the best jobs to their own people and family and friends, too. Such infighting is happening around the world, too. If not who would want to support their party. Right?

For country like Afghanistan and other countries of similar background, they have to squabble and fighting in order to bring an end of the differences. However, it will resolve on its own,

------------------------
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_civil_wars
Ancient and early medieval (before 1000)
First Intermediate Period of Egypt, Second Intermediate Period of Egypt and Third Intermediate Period of Egypt are periods of political disunity in Ancient Egypt's history and series of civil wars between the governors of the nomes broke throughout the
country.
Roman civil wars (a list of numerous civil wars in the late Roman Republic and in the Roman Empire, between 100 BC and AD 400)
First Fitna, 656–661, the first Islamic "civil war" between Ali and the Umayyads
Second Fitna, c. 680/683 – c. 685/692, the second Islamic "civil war" between the Umayyads and Ibn al-Zubayr
Twenty Years' Anarchy, 695–717, prolonged period of internal instability in the Byzantine Empire
Civil War between Artabasdos and Constantine V, 741–743
Third Fitna, 744–752, including the Umayyad civil wars of 744–748 and the Abbasid Revolution
An Lushan Rebellion, December 16, 755 – February 17, 763[dubious – discuss] Fourth Fitna, 809–827, including the Abbasid civil wars and other regional conflicts
Anarchy of the 12 Warlords, 944–968
Medieval (1000–1600)
Fitna of al-Andalus, 1009–1031
Civil war era in Norway, 1130–1240
Danish Civil Wars, 1131–1157[3]
The Anarchy, 1135–1153
Revolt of 1173–1174
Civil war in the crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem between King Baldwin III and dowager Queen Melisende (1152–1153)
First Barons' War, 1215–1217
Age of the Sturlungs, 1220 – 1262/64
Second Barons' War, 1264–1267
Hungarian Civil War, 1264–1265
Civil War of Livonia between Livonian Order and the city of Riga and the Archbishopric of Riga, 1297–1330.
Despenser War, 1321–1322
Invasion of England, 1326. Continuation of the Despenser War.
Byzantine civil war of 1321–1328
Byzantine civil war of 1341–1347
Byzantine civil war of 1352–1357
Castilian Civil War, 1366–1369
Byzantine civil war of 1373–1379
Glyndŵr Rising, 1400–1415
Ottoman Interregnum, 1402–1413
Armagnac–Burgundian Civil War, 1407–1435
Hussite Wars, 1420–1434
Great Feudal War in Russia, 1425–1453
Wars of the Roses, 1455–1485
Ōnin War, 1467–1477
Sengoku period, 1467–1615[dubious – discuss]
War of the Castilian Succession, 1475–1479
Popular revolts in late-medieval Europe
German Peasants' War, 1524–1525
Civil War in Kazakh Khanate, 1522–1538
Inca Civil War, 1529–1532
Count's Feud, 1534–1536
French Wars of Religion, 1562–1598
Marian civil war, 1568–1573
War against Sigismund, 1598–1599
Marian civil war, 1568–1573
War against Sigismund, 1598–1599
Early modern (1600–1800)
Civil War Era in Vietnam, 1533–1789 [4]
Lê–Mạc Dynasties War, 1533–1677
Trịnh–Nguyễn Lords War, 1627–1772; 1774–1775
Tây Sơn wars, 1771–1802
Zebrzydowski rebellion, 1606–1609
Shimabara Rebellion, 1637–1638
Wars of the Three Kingdoms, 1639–1651 involved a number of civil wars:
Irish Confederate Wars, some parts of which were a civil war.[5]
Scotland in the Wars of the Three Kingdoms, to some extent a civil war, 1644–1652
English Civil War, 1642–1651
First English Civil War, 1642–1646
Second English Civil War, 1648–1649
Third English Civil War, 1650–1651
Acadian Civil War, 1640–1645
The Fronde, 1648–1653
The Ruin, 1659–1686
Lubomirski's rebellion, 1665–1666
Monmouth Rebellion, May–July 1685
Glorious Revolution, 1688–1689
War of the Spanish Succession, 1701–1714
Choctaw Civil War, 1747–1750
Pugachev's Rebellion, 1773–1775[6]
War in the Vendée, 1793–1804; between Royalist and Republican forces, part of the French Revolutionary Wars
Afghan Civil War, 1793–1809
Brunei Civil War, 1660s—1673
Modern (1800–1945)
Gutiérrez–Magee Expedition, 1812–1813
Argentine Civil Wars, 1814–1880
Ndwandwe–Zulu War, 1817–1819
Long Expedition, 1819, 1821
Greek Civil Wars, 1823–1825
Fredonian Rebellion, 1826–1827
Liberal Wars, 1828–1834
Chilean Civil War, 1829–1830
Revolutions of 1830; numerous European countries, 1830
Egyptian–Ottoman War (1831–1833)
Carlist Wars, 1833–1839, 1846–1849, and 1872–1876
Texas Revolution 1835–1836
Ragamuffin War, 1835–1845
Chimayó Rebellion, 1837
Córdova Rebellion, 1838
Uruguayan Civil War, 1839–1851
Rio Grande Rebellion, 1840
Yucatán Rebellion, 1841–1848
Bear Flag Revolt, 1846
Sonderbund War, November 1847
Revolutions of 1848; numerous European countries, 1848–1849
Revolution of 1851
Taiping Rebellion, 1851–1863
Bleeding Kansas, 1854–1858
Indian Rebellion of 1857
Utah War, 1857–1858
War of Reform, 1857–1861
Federal War, 1859–1863
American Civil War, 1861–1865
Afghan Civil War, 1863–1869
Austro-Prussian War, 1866
Klang War; also known as Selangor Civil War, 1867–1874
Boshin War, 1868–1869
Satsuma Rebellion, 1877
Jementah Civil War, 1878
Afghan Civil War, 1880–1881
The North-West Rebellion, 1885
Revolution of the Park, 1890
Chilean Civil War, 1891
Argentine Revolution of 1893, 1893
War of Canudos, 1896–1897
Banana Wars, 1898–1934
Federal Revolution, 1899
Thousand Days' War, 1899–1902
Revolución Libertadora, 1901–1903
Argentine Revolution of 1905, 1905
Persian Constitutional Revolution, 1905–1911, Civil War considered to begin after 1908
Mexican Revolution, 1910–1920
Warlord Era; period of civil wars between regional, provincial, and private armies in China, 1912–1928
Russian Civil War, 1917–1923
Iraqi–Kurdish conflict, 1918–2003
Finnish Civil War, 1918
Ukrainian Civil War, 1917–1921
German Revolution, 1918–1919
Revolts during the Turkish War of Independence, includes conflict between the Imperial Ottoman Government and the Turkish National Movement, 1919–1922
Irish Civil War, 1922–1923
Paraguayan Civil War, 1922–1923
Nicaraguan Civil War, 1926–1927
Cristero War, 1926–1929
Chinese Civil War, 1927–1937, 1945–1949 (de facto)
Afghan Civil War, 1928–1929
Brazilian Civil War, 1932
Austrian Civil War, February 1934
Spanish Civil War, 1936–1939
Ukrainian Insurgent Army insurgency, 1943–1956
Italian Civil War during WWII 1943–1945
Since 1945
See also: § Ongoing civil wars
Iran crisis of 1946, 1945–1946
Greek Civil War, 1946–1949
Paraguayan Civil War, 1947
Civil War in Mandatory Palestine, 1947–1948
Costa Rican Civil War, 1948
1948 Arab–Israeli War, 1948
Yeosu–Suncheon rebellion, 1948
Jeju uprising, 1948
La Violencia, 1948–1958
Malayan Emergency, 1948–1960
Internal conflict in Myanmar, ongoing since 1948
Revolución Libertadora, 1955
Cuban Revolution, 1953–1959
Laotian Civil War, 1953–1975
First Sudanese Civil War, 1955–1972
Congo Crisis, 1960–1966
Guatemalan Civil War, 1960–1996
North Yemen Civil War 1962–1970
Communist insurgency in Sarawak, 1962–1990
Nicaraguan Civil War, 1962–1990
Dominican Civil War, 1965
Rhodesian Bush War, 1965–1980
Communist insurgency in Thailand, 1965–1983
Cambodian Civil War, 1967–1975
Nigerian Civil War, 1967–1970
Communist insurgency in Malaysia, 1968–1989
Bangladesh Liberation War, 1971
Ethiopian Civil War, 1974–1991
Lebanese Civil War, 1975–1990
Mozambican Civil War, 1975–1992
Angolan Civil War, 1975–2002
Insurgency in Aceh, 1976–2005
Soviet–Afghan War, part of / also called Afghanistan conflict (1978–present), December 24, 1979 – February 15, 1989 (Soviet–Afghan War lasted over nine years from 1979 to 1989 and was part of the Cold War but it was inevitable that the regime was
to collapse within three to six months after the Soviet withdrawal)
Salvadoran Civil War, 1979–1992
Second Sudanese Civil War, 1983–2005
Sri Lankan Civil War, 1983–2009
South Yemen Civil War, 1986
Afghan Civil War (1989–1992), February 15, 1989 – April 30, 1992. The continuing part of the civil war where the Soviet Union withdrew from Afghanistan, leaving the Afghan communist government to fend for itself against the Mujahideen months later
part of / also called Afghanistan conflict (1978–present)
First Liberian Civil War, 1989–1996
Rwandan Civil War, 1990–1994
Casamance conflict, 1990–2006
Georgian Civil War, 1991–1993
Iraqi uprisings, 1991
Sierra Leone Civil War, 1991–2002
Algerian Civil War, 1991–2002
Tajikistani Civil War, 1992–1997
Afghan Civil War (1992–1996), April 30, 1992 – September 27, 1996. When the Afghan communist government falls to the Mujahideen there was a rise in different kinds of ideology, power-sharing, Belligerents and violent fighting continue to escalate
part of / also called Afghanistan conflict (1978–present)
Burundian Civil War, 1993–2005
First Yemeni Civil War, 1994
Iraqi Kurdish Civil War, 1994–1997
Afghan Civil War (1996–2001), September 27, 1996 – October 7, 2001. In 1996 the Taliban captured the Afghan capital Kabul and established the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan part of / also called Afghanistan conflict (1978–present)
First Congo War, 1996–1997
Clashes in Cambodia, 1997
Nepalese Civil War, 1996–2006
Albanian Civil War, 1997
Republic of the Congo Civil War, 1997–1999
Guinea-Bissau Civil War, 1998–1999
Second Congo War, 1998–2003
Kosovo War (1998–1999)
Second Liberian Civil War, 1999–2003
First Ivorian Civil War, 2002–2007
Iraqi Civil War, 2006–2008
First Libyan Civil War, 2011
Second Ivorian Civil War, 2011
Second Libyan Civil War, 2014–2020
Ongoing civil wars
The following civil wars are ongoing as of February 2021. Only ongoing conflicts meeting the definition of a civil war are listed. See List of ongoing armed conflicts and lists of active separatist movements for lists with a wider scope.

Myanmar, Internal conflict in Myanmar, since 2 April 1948
Indonesia, Papua conflict, since 1963
Angola, Cabinda War, since 1975
Somalia, Somali Civil War, since 1989
DR Congo, Ituri conflict, since 1999
Sudan, War in Darfur, since 26 February 2003
Sudanese conflict in South Kordofan and Blue Nile, since 5 June 2011
Syria, Syrian Civil War, since 15 March 2011, also see Belligerents in the Syrian civil war
Mali, Mali War, since 16 January 2012
Central African Republic, Central African Republic conflict, since 10 December 2012
Ukraine, Russo-Ukrainian War, since 6 April 2014
Yemen, Second Yemeni Civil War, since 16 September 2014
Burkina Faso, Islamist insurgency, since August 23, 2015
Cameroon, Anglophone Crisis, since 2017
Mozambique, Insurgency in Cabo Delgado, since 2017
Iraq, ISIL insurgency, since 9 December 2017
Ethiopia, Tigray War, since 2020
Nigeria, Insurgency in Southeastern Nigeria, since 2021

--- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05
* Origin: fsxNet Usenet Gateway (21:1/5)

On Thursday, July 7, 2022 at 12:57:04 PM UTC-4, stoney wrote:

On Thursday, July 7, 2022 at 6:33:42 AM UTC+8, David P. wrote:

Taliban Splits Emerge Over Religion, Power and Girls’ Schools
By Sune Engel Rasmussen & Margherita Stancati, July 1, 2022, WSJ

Those in the Taliban with more moderate views, including many in government, argue there is no religious justification for banning teenage girls from school, so long as they are segregated from males.

The hard-liners have outsize influence on the Taliban’s ultimate decision maker, Supreme Leader Mullah Haibatullah Akhundzada, according to Taliban members and others familiar with the group’s inner workings.

All Taliban factions remain loyal to Mullah Haibatullah, a former chief justice who took the helm of the movement in 2016. Since they came to power in August, senior Taliban officials took over ministerial positions in Kabul. But ultimate power

remains in the hands of the reclusive Mullah Haibatullah, who rarely leaves Kandahar, the Taliban’s traditional heartland.

In rare public remarks delivered on Friday, Mullah Haibatullah stressed the need to overcome differences.

“Our survival depends on our unity,” he said at the meeting with the religious council. It was Mullah Haibatullah’s first-ever known trip to Kabul.

In his speech, he also said the religious council, or ulama, would take on a more prominent role in government and that “very pure and independent Shariah,” or Islamic law, would be implemented. He didn’t mention women.

Communication between the supreme leader’s circle in Kandahar and the government in Kabul is limited, often depending on written notes carried by messengers, a habit from the insurgency.

“The problem of the [education] framework was that it was created in Kabul and the leadership wasn’t kept in the loop,” said Sharif, a pseudonym for a Taliban insider who is one of the messengers. “Some of the ministers may get the idea that

they are the biggest decision makers, forgetting about the leadership in Kandahar.”

A cabinet meeting held days before the schools were supposed to reopen in March illustrated the divide. Taliban government ministers traveled to Kandahar for what was only the second full meeting of the Taliban government attended by Mullah

Haibatullah since last year’s takeover, according to several people briefed on the meeting.

Two ministers for education gave presentations on the planned school reopening. They were caught unprepared by unexpected opposition from the Taliban’s religious council, according to several people briefed on the meeting.

Shahbuddin Delawar, the minister of mines, spoke out in favor of reopening all girls’ schools, arguing that it would stabilize the new Taliban government. Women’s education is important both for domestic legitimacy and to obtain international

recognition, he said, according to two of those people.

Mullah Haibatullah listened in silence. At the end of the meeting, he said the reopening of schools for teenage girls would be put on hold until further notice, according to people with knowledge of the Kandahar meetings.

In the weeks after Mullah Haibatullah decided to maintain the schooling ban, some senior Taliban urged him to reconsider. A commission was set up to draft a list of policy recommendations to enable all schools to reopen, which was submitted to Mullah

Haibatullah.

Mullah Haibatullah isn’t opposed to girls’ education in principle, said Abdul Rahman Tayebi, an aide of the supreme leader. “But he’s against moral corruption,” he added. Several issues must be overcome, including girls’ dress, the need

for female-only teachers for female students, and how girls would get to school and back without encountering unrelated males, said Mr. Tayebi. He also cited financial challenges.

“It is necessary for us to provide education to every man and every woman of this country,” said Sher Mohammed Abbas Stanikzai, the deputy minister of foreign affairs, in televised remarks in June. “Education is their natural, Islamic and

Shariah right.”

In recent years, many Taliban officials in exile in Pakistan and Qatar sent their daughters to local schools and universities. After the takeover, some Taliban commanders brought their daughters to Afghanistan on the assumption they would be allowed

to continue their education. Many were shocked by the decision in March.

“When I heard about it, I got very upset. If a woman is educated, she can educate the whole community,” said Hakimullah, a pseudonym for a neighborhood Taliban intelligence chief in Kabul. “It was a mistake, and they should rethink it,” he

said. “This is a decision that concerns all Afghans, not just a few.”

Taliban members have also expressed anger publicly over an order by the leadership in May that all Afghan women should cover their faces in public.

“We shouldn’t hide the identity of women in society,” said Jawed Nizami, a 39-year-old Taliban commander from Paktia province. He said he would refuse to work for the government if it continued to impose limits primarily on women. “It’s

also a man’s responsibility to not look at women he isn’t related to,” he said. “We shouldn’t lay all the blame at the feet of women.”

Rival factions
-------------------
Particularly outspoken about girls’ right to education are the leaders and members of the Haqqani network, a Taliban faction that was responsible for some of the deadliest attacks during the war but whose members are comparatively moderate on

social issues.

Anas Haqqani, a senior member of the network, said in May he was confident that teenage girls would soon be allowed back to school, in accordance with Islamic law and cultural values.

“If a matter isn’t prohibited by Islam and Shariah law…it should not be banned by an Islamic government,” Mr. Haqqani said in a televised address.

Two groups in particular are feuding over power.

On one side are Taliban from Kandahar and other southern provinces who are close to Mullah Abdul Ghani Baradar, a co-founder of the Taliban who remains one of its most important political leaders.

On the other is the Haqqani network, known for its military strength, rooted in the country’s east and centered around the family of the same name.

Tensions between the two factions surfaced early on over who deserves the credit for winning power last August.

Mullah Baradar, who negotiated the 2020 deal that paved the way for the U.S. withdrawal, cast it as a diplomatic victory. The Haqqanis, who long supplied the Taliban with suicide bombers from their religious schools, said the victory was achieved

through fighting.

The southerners complain that military power is too concentrated in the hands of the Haqqanis, whose leader, Sirajuddin Haqqani, is serving as interior minister. The Haqqanis complain that the southerners have taken most other government jobs.

“The Haqqanis made more sacrifices. We gave more suicide bombers,” said a former Haqqani commander who recently left the Taliban. “But the Kandaharis get all the jobs.”

Economic pressure
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While the leadership squabbles, many ordinary Taliban fighters are becoming increasingly disenchanted.

Fighters who dedicated years, even decades of their life to the armed struggle say they expected to be rewarded for their sacrifices with jobs and money. Instead, they say they don’t even have enough money to buy food.

“I have given martyrs from my family, but I still have no salary,” said Qari Abdullah, a 40-year-old former Taliban commander who recently left the movement. “I have to feed 10 people. When we cook something, everyone fights over the food.”

Since the Taliban takeover, Afghanistan’s economy has nosedived, with 95% of the population not eating sufficiently according to the U.N. Frozen central-bank assets, international sanctions and a sharp drop in foreign assistance are contributing to

the economic crisis.

The U.S., other Western countries and international organizations including the United Nations and the World Bank have said that the continued ban on girls’ education is an obstacle to unlocking more international assistance for Afghanistan.

The most formidable armed opposition group in Afghanistan is the local branch of Islamic State, which has long recruited members from disenchanted Taliban. Since the Taliban takeover it launched a spate of deadly attacks, mostly targeting Shiites.

There is also the National Resistance Front of Afghanistan, an anti-Taliban group established after the fall of the Republic that includes some of its former leaders.

As it strives to build a new Afghan state under immense economic pressure, the Taliban leadership has sought to keep a lid on the differences. It has tried to stifle criticism by threatening its subordinates with lengthy prison sentences if they

speak to the media.

“If we give room for religious debate, it may lead to other problems, such as strengthening terrorist groups,” said Sharif, the Taliban messenger.

The revived and much-feared religious police recently issued a raft of new social restrictions that many Afghans, including many Taliban members, oppose. Among them: Women must be accompanied by male relatives when traveling outside their hometowns;

all male government workers must grow out their beards; and men and women can’t go to amusement parks on the same day.

Abdullah Omari, a 30-year-old regional director of the religious police, said that it is the Taliban’s duty to return Afghans to the righteous path they strayed from under foreign influence. “This cannot be a surprise to them,” said Mr. Omari. �

��They knew that when the Taliban came, there would be new rules.”

https://www.wsj.com/articles/taliban-splits-afghanistan-religion-girls-schools-11656682831

These are some of the common problems between people from different factions trying to seize enough power and taking enough of jobs for each other.

People in power leadership gives the best jobs to their own people and family and friends, too. Such infighting is happening around the world, too. If not who would want to support their party. Right?

The much praised classical Greek democracy was basically one spear, one vote. Men who fought or allowed
to fought could voted. And they were also given right and trained/educated. Modern universal education was
established largely because of industrialization which needs better and better workers.

In many economies, women also join the labor force in large scale. So they likewise needed to be educated.

For country like Afghanistan and other countries of similar background, they have to squabble and fighting in order to bring an end of the differences. However, it will resolve on its own,

In their own democratic way.

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