• Nationwide injunctions and birthright citizenship cases

    From Adam H. Kerman@21:1/5 to All on Thu May 15 15:50:43 2025
    Today, 5/15/2025, three consolidated birthright citizenship cases will
    be argued before the Supreme Court. Trump v. CASA, filed by immigrants
    rights groups and several pregnant women in Maryland; Trump v.
    Washington, filed in Seattle by a group of four states; and Trump v. New Jersey, filed in Massachusetts by a group of 18 states, the District of Columbia, and San Francisco.

    D. John Sauer is Solicitor General. I recognized the scratchy voice.
    He's made these arguments over the years and was clearly hired by Trump
    to argue this type of case.

    However, Court observers have predicted that most of the time will be
    spent analyzing universal injunctions, a practice that has proliferated
    over the last several decades. Filing for a universal injunction allows
    the plaintiff to avoid the difficult task of getting a class certified,
    then seeking a remedy on behalf of members of the class.

    I'm going to side with Trump here. Generally, universal injunctions have
    been abused. I came to that conclusion with their use against numerous
    Biden executive orders; some of these injunctions were issued by Trump-appointed judges. There were certainly universal injunctions
    against Trump during his first term and I'm sure some of them were
    abuses of discretion.

    Trump's position here is hypocritical and it's going to end up thwarting
    use of federal courts by supporters of Trump policies.

    What are they thinking?

    However, I don't know that the answer is to ban them entirely. If it's
    an executive order or an order issued by a Cabinet secretary for his department, or a regulation, I don't see how to avoid asking for a
    universal injunction. Not every case is an administrative finding
    against one party for which a universal injunction is irrelevant.

    I had to laugh. Nina Totenberg, the NPR legal affairs analyst, pointed
    out the unfortunate timing for the Trump administration to make this
    argument weeks before summer recess. No universal injunctions? Then the
    Supreme Court will get no vacation at all, having to spend absurd
    amounts of time issuing orders on the shadow docket on redundant cases.
    For that reason, they aren't going to make it unconstitutional.

    Sauer repeated an argument he's made before, which I don't think is
    supported by any sitting Supreme Court justice, that the citizenship
    clause was limited to slaves and their children born in the United
    States freed by the Thirteenth Amendment.

    --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05
    * Origin: fsxNet Usenet Gateway (21:1/5)
  • From BTR1701@21:1/5 to Adam H. Kerman on Thu May 15 18:05:38 2025
    On May 15, 2025 at 8:50:43 AM PDT, ""Adam H. Kerman"" <[email protected]> wrote:

    Today, 5/15/2025, three consolidated birthright citizenship cases will
    be argued before the Supreme Court. Trump v. CASA, filed by immigrants
    rights groups and several pregnant women in Maryland; Trump v.
    Washington, filed in Seattle by a group of four states; and Trump v. New Jersey, filed in Massachusetts by a group of 18 states, the District of Columbia, and San Francisco.

    D. John Sauer is Solicitor General. I recognized the scratchy voice.
    He's made these arguments over the years and was clearly hired by Trump
    to argue this type of case.

    However, Court observers have predicted that most of the time will be
    spent analyzing universal injunctions, a practice that has proliferated
    over the last several decades.

    These need to go. What's the point of having a Congress and a president when one unelected judge can substitute his judgment for all of theirs not just in the case before him/her but for every case across the nation? The judiciary doesn't not set public policy. The political branches do.

    Nationwide injunctions, qualified immunity, and birthright citizenship all
    need to be shit-canned.

    Sauer repeated an argument he's made before, which I don't think is
    supported by any sitting Supreme Court justice, that the citizenship
    clause was limited to slaves and their children born in the United
    States freed by the Thirteenth Amendment.

    That's certainly what it was intended for by those who drafted it, wrote it, and passed it into law. I used to think it was just an unfortunate oversight that they didn't make that express in the text of the law and we'd either have to repeal/amend that clause or just live with illegals birthing babies here so they can be citizens. But then I was pointed to a whole line of cases that explain the phrase "and subject to the jurisdiction thereof" in the context of both the time in which it was written and its meaning under the law and which form persuasive precedent that illegal aliens are not covered by the 14th Amendment's grant of birthright citizenship.

    It is well-settled law** that if you are here without the consent of the
    people of the United States as expressed by their duly enacted laws, from a legal perspective, it is quite literally as if you are not present in this country. It's absurd on its face to assert that people who are illegally on
    our soil through intentional violation of our laws can, strictly by
    trespassing on it, achieve the ultimate benefit of citizenship for their
    kids.


    **United States v. Ju Toy, 198 U.S. 253 (1905): "A person who comes to the country illegally is to be regarded under the law as if he had stopped at the limit of its jurisdiction, although physically he may be within its boundaries".

    --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05
    * Origin: fsxNet Usenet Gateway (21:1/5)
  • From Adam H. Kerman@21:1/5 to [email protected] on Thu May 15 20:56:27 2025
    BTR1701 <[email protected]> wrote:
    May 15, 2025 at 8:50:43 AM PDT, Adam H. Kerman <[email protected]> wrote:

    Today, 5/15/2025, three consolidated birthright citizenship cases will
    be argued before the Supreme Court. Trump v. CASA, filed by immigrants >>rights groups and several pregnant women in Maryland; Trump v.
    Washington, filed in Seattle by a group of four states; and Trump v. New >>Jersey, filed in Massachusetts by a group of 18 states, the District of >>Columbia, and San Francisco.

    D. John Sauer is Solicitor General. I recognized the scratchy voice.
    He's made these arguments over the years and was clearly hired by Trump
    to argue this type of case.

    However, Court observers have predicted that most of the time will be
    spent analyzing universal injunctions, a practice that has proliferated >>over the last several decades.

    These need to go. What's the point of having a Congress and a president when >one unelected judge can substitute his judgment for all of theirs not just in >the case before him/her but for every case across the nation? The judiciary >doesn't not set public policy. The political branches do.

    The president, who is not a king but an ordinary civilian to whom law
    applies, cannot decree parts of the Constitution inapplicable or unenforceable. Yes, I know. There are numerous Biden examples -- student loan debt forgiveness, all-encompassing immigration parole -- but that doesn't
    make Trump get to cut clauses out of the Fourteenth Amendment.

    Nationwide injunctions, qualified immunity, and birthright citizenship all >need to be shit-canned.

    Heh. I don't think qualified immunity will be raised, and you forgot
    civil asset forfeiture.

    Sauer repeated an argument he's made before, which I don't think is >>supported by any sitting Supreme Court justice, that the citizenship
    clause was limited to slaves and their children born in the United
    States freed by the Thirteenth Amendment.

    That's certainly what it was intended for by those who drafted it, wrote it, >and passed it into law.

    And that law was immediately found unconstitutional by a Supreme Court
    still similar in makeup to the Court that wrote Dred Scott, hence the
    need to spell it out in the Fourteenth Amendment. Even then, the
    Civil Rights Cases cut the privileges and immunities clause out.

    If you seriously argue, like Sauer, that the Fourteenth Amendment was a
    grant of liberty to the freed men and no one else, then we lose the
    entire notion that the Constitution and civil rights law was written in colorblind language. We lose the entire line of reverse discrimination
    cases starting with the tax law case that Ruth Bader Ginsburg famously
    took to the Supreme Court to more broadly apply the neutral language "on
    the basis of sex" to her client, a dude. We lose Bakke. We lose those university admission cases just decided two years ago.

    Please tell me you still believe that the Constitution's language is
    neutral.

    I used to think it was just an unfortunate oversight that they didn't make >that express in the text of the law and we'd either have to repeal/amend
    that clause or just live with illegals birthing babies here so they can
    be citizens. But then I was pointed to a whole line of cases that explain
    the phrase "and subject to the jurisdiction thereof" in the context of
    both the time in which it was written and its meaning under the law and
    which form persuasive precedent that illegal aliens are not covered by
    the 14th Amendment's grant of birthright citizenship.

    It is well-settled law** that if you are here without the consent of the >people of the United States as expressed by their duly enacted laws, from a >legal perspective, it is quite literally as if you are not present in this >country. It's absurd on its face to assert that people who are illegally on >our soil through intentional violation of our laws can, strictly by >trespassing on it, achieve the ultimate benefit of citizenship for their >kids.

    **United States v. Ju Toy, 198 U.S. 253 (1905): "A person who comes to the >country illegally is to be regarded under the law as if he had stopped at the >limit of its jurisdiction, although physically he may be within its >boundaries".

    Yes I know.

    Every time you bring up that case, I ask you how the newborn baby
    himself violated the Immigration and Nationality Act, even if presuming
    his mother did?

    You always ignore the fundamental question. Ju Toy cannot possibly apply
    to the unborn foetus.

    --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05
    * Origin: fsxNet Usenet Gateway (21:1/5)
  • From BTR1701@21:1/5 to Adam H. Kerman on Thu May 15 21:16:55 2025
    On May 15, 2025 at 1:56:27 PM PDT, ""Adam H. Kerman"" <[email protected]> wrote:

    BTR1701 <[email protected]> wrote:
    May 15, 2025 at 8:50:43 AM PDT, Adam H. Kerman <[email protected]> wrote:

    Today, 5/15/2025, three consolidated birthright citizenship cases will
    be argued before the Supreme Court. Trump v. CASA, filed by immigrants
    rights groups and several pregnant women in Maryland; Trump v.
    Washington, filed in Seattle by a group of four states; and Trump v. New >>> Jersey, filed in Massachusetts by a group of 18 states, the District of
    Columbia, and San Francisco.

    D. John Sauer is Solicitor General. I recognized the scratchy voice.
    He's made these arguments over the years and was clearly hired by Trump
    to argue this type of case.

    However, Court observers have predicted that most of the time will be
    spent analyzing universal injunctions, a practice that has proliferated
    over the last several decades.

    These need to go. What's the point of having a Congress and a president when >> one unelected judge can substitute his judgment for all of theirs not just in
    the case before him/her but for every case across the nation? The judiciary >> doesn't not set public policy. The political branches do.

    The president, who is not a king but an ordinary civilian to whom law applies, cannot decree parts of the Constitution inapplicable or unenforceable.
    Yes, I know. There are numerous Biden examples -- student loan debt forgiveness, all-encompassing immigration parole -- but that doesn't
    make Trump get to cut clauses out of the Fourteenth Amendment.

    He's not cutting the clause out, he's saying it's inapplicable to illegal aliens, and I agree.

    Nationwide injunctions, qualified immunity, and birthright citizenship all >> need to be shit-canned.

    Heh. I don't think qualified immunity will be raised, and you forgot
    civil asset forfeiture.

    Sauer repeated an argument he's made before, which I don't think is
    supported by any sitting Supreme Court justice, that the citizenship
    clause was limited to slaves and their children born in the United
    States freed by the Thirteenth Amendment.

    That's certainly what it was intended for by those who drafted it, wrote it, >> and passed it into law.

    And that law was immediately found unconstitutional by a Supreme Court

    The 14th Amendment was found unconstitutional? Because that's the law I'm talking about. Part of the Constitution itself is unconstitutional? That's
    both news to me and a legal paradox.

    If you seriously argue, like Sauer, that the Fourteenth Amendment was a
    grant of liberty to the freed men and no one else

    I'm not saying no one else. Just not people who entered the country
    illegally.

    then we lose the
    entire notion that the Constitution and civil rights law was written in colorblind language. We lose the entire line of reverse discrimination
    cases starting with the tax law case that Ruth Bader Ginsburg famously
    took to the Supreme Court to more broadly apply the neutral language "on
    the basis of sex" to her client, a dude. We lose Bakke. We lose those university admission cases just decided two years ago.

    Please tell me you still believe that the Constitution's language is
    neutral.

    I used to think it was just an unfortunate oversight that they didn't make >> that express in the text of the law and we'd either have to repeal/amend
    that clause or just live with illegals birthing babies here so they can
    be citizens. But then I was pointed to a whole line of cases that explain
    the phrase "and subject to the jurisdiction thereof" in the context of
    both the time in which it was written and its meaning under the law and
    which form persuasive precedent that illegal aliens are not covered by
    the 14th Amendment's grant of birthright citizenship.

    It is well-settled law** that if you are here without the consent of the
    people of the United States as expressed by their duly enacted laws, from a >> legal perspective, it is quite literally as if you are not present in this >> country. It's absurd on its face to assert that people who are illegally on >> our soil through intentional violation of our laws can, strictly by
    trespassing on it, achieve the ultimate benefit of citizenship for their
    kids.

    **United States v. Ju Toy, 198 U.S. 253 (1905): "A person who comes to the >> country illegally is to be regarded under the law as if he had stopped at the
    limit of its jurisdiction, although physically he may be within its
    boundaries".

    Yes I know.

    Every time you bring up that case, I ask you how the newborn baby
    himself violated the Immigration and Nationality Act, even if presuming
    his mother did?

    Intent is not an element of the offense.

    You always ignore the fundamental question. Ju Toy cannot possibly apply
    to the unborn foetus.

    Sure it can.

    --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05
    * Origin: fsxNet Usenet Gateway (21:1/5)
  • From Adam H. Kerman@21:1/5 to [email protected] on Thu May 15 21:59:11 2025
    BTR1701 <[email protected]> wrote:
    May 15, 2025 at 1:56:27 PM PDT, Adam H. Kerman <[email protected]> wrote: >>BTR1701 <[email protected]> wrote:
    May 15, 2025 at 8:50:43 AM PDT, Adam H. Kerman <[email protected]> wrote:

    Today, 5/15/2025, three consolidated birthright citizenship cases will >>>>be argued before the Supreme Court. Trump v. CASA, filed by immigrants >>>>rights groups and several pregnant women in Maryland; Trump v. >>>>Washington, filed in Seattle by a group of four states; and Trump v. New >>>>Jersey, filed in Massachusetts by a group of 18 states, the District of >>>>Columbia, and San Francisco.

    D. John Sauer is Solicitor General. I recognized the scratchy voice. >>>>He's made these arguments over the years and was clearly hired by Trump >>>>to argue this type of case.

    However, Court observers have predicted that most of the time will be >>>>spent analyzing universal injunctions, a practice that has proliferated >>>>over the last several decades.

    These need to go. What's the point of having a Congress and a president >>>when one unelected judge can substitute his judgment for all of theirs >>>not just in the case before him/her but for every case across the
    nation? The judiciary doesn't not set public policy. The political >>>branches do.

    The president, who is not a king but an ordinary civilian to whom
    law applies, cannot decree parts of the Constitution inapplicable or >>unenforceable. Yes, I know. There are numerous Biden examples -- student >>loan debt forgiveness, all-encompassing immigration parole -- but that >>doesn't make Trump get to cut clauses out of the Fourteenth Amendment.

    He's not cutting the clause out, he's saying it's inapplicable to illegal >aliens, and I agree.

    Bullshit. Trump says it's inapplicable to CHILDREN of illegal aliens and travellers. The child born in the United States committed no crime or
    violation of any kind of the Immigration and Nationality Act.

    Sauer repeated an argument he's made before, which I don't think is >>>>supported by any sitting Supreme Court justice, that the citizenship >>>>clause was limited to slaves and their children born in the United >>>>States freed by the Thirteenth Amendment.

    That's certainly what it was intended for by those who drafted it, wrote it, >>>and passed it into law.

    And that law was immediately found unconstitutional by a Supreme Court

    The 14th Amendment was found unconstitutional? Because that's the law I'm >talking about. Part of the Constitution itself is unconstitutional? That's >both news to me and a legal paradox.

    You were talking about intent of Congress. Congress intended the
    Thirteenth Amendment to be the broad basis for civil rights. Once
    slavery became unconstitutional, blacks (not just slaves) became persons
    with due process rights and civil rights generally, enforced by the
    Civil Rights Act of 1865.

    The Supreme Court, still the Dred Scott court, didn't see it the
    Thirteenth Amendment as a grant of legal personhood (thus reversing Dred
    Scott) and found the civil rights law unconstitutional.

    Of the three post-Civil War amendments, the 13th is the only one that
    can be argued to apply to freed slaves and no one else. The other two amendments, with neutral language, applied to everybody.

    If you seriously argue, like Sauer, that the Fourteenth Amendment was a >>grant of liberty to the freed men and no one else

    I'm not saying no one else. Just not people who entered the country >illegally.

    The unborn baby did nothing illegal. You never have a counterargument to
    the obvious point.

    then we lose the
    entire notion that the Constitution and civil rights law was written in >>colorblind language. We lose the entire line of reverse discrimination >>cases starting with the tax law case that Ruth Bader Ginsburg famously
    took to the Supreme Court to more broadly apply the neutral language "on >>the basis of sex" to her client, a dude. We lose Bakke. We lose those >>university admission cases just decided two years ago.

    Please tell me you still believe that the Constitution's language is >>neutral.

    I used to think it was just an unfortunate oversight that they didn't make >>>that express in the text of the law and we'd either have to repeal/amend >>>that clause or just live with illegals birthing babies here so they can >>>be citizens. But then I was pointed to a whole line of cases that explain >>>the phrase "and subject to the jurisdiction thereof" in the context of >>>both the time in which it was written and its meaning under the law and >>>which form persuasive precedent that illegal aliens are not covered by >>>the 14th Amendment's grant of birthright citizenship.

    It is well-settled law** that if you are here without the consent of the >>>people of the United States as expressed by their duly enacted laws, from a >>>legal perspective, it is quite literally as if you are not present in this >>>country. It's absurd on its face to assert that people who are illegally on >>>our soil through intentional violation of our laws can, strictly by >>>trespassing on it, achieve the ultimate benefit of citizenship for their >>>kids.

    **United States v. Ju Toy, 198 U.S. 253 (1905): "A person who comes to the >>>country illegally is to be regarded under the law as if he had stopped at the
    limit of its jurisdiction, although physically he may be within its >>>boundaries".

    Yes I know.

    Every time you bring up that case, I ask you how the newborn baby
    himself violated the Immigration and Nationality Act, even if presuming
    his mother did?

    Intent is not an element of the offense.

    I didn't raise intent. I'm pointing out that not yet having been born at
    the point of the illegal entry means there was no violation of the law
    in question. As it's not illegal to be born, then having been born, the
    baby cannot possibly be illegally present in the United States even if
    his mother is.

    You always ignore the fundamental question. Ju Toy cannot possibly apply
    to the unborn foetus.

    Sure it can.

    Actually, looks like I forgot what the ruling was in this case. If the
    phrase in question is a quote from the ruling, then it didn't apply to
    the facts of the case.

    Ju Toy was born in the United States before the Chinese Exclusion Act of
    1882 and was denied entry at a port despite already having been
    determined to be an American citizen. Holmes ruled that he immigration
    at ports of entry is due process even though it's an administrative
    procedure and had no right to equitable relief in federal court for a maldetermination by immigration authorities.

    The opinion was overturned in Ng Fung Ho v. White (1922), that the
    detainee had a right to assert citizenship in federal court under the
    liberty clause.

    Neither case applies to those who cannot assert citizenship and a baby
    born in the United States isn't literally going through immigration.

    I suppose the mother could give birth at the port of entry but before
    she's cleared immigration. I have no idea how the birthright citizenship
    clause applies.

    --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05
    * Origin: fsxNet Usenet Gateway (21:1/5)
  • From BTR1701@21:1/5 to Adam H. Kerman on Thu May 15 22:33:49 2025
    On May 15, 2025 at 2:59:11 PM PDT, ""Adam H. Kerman"" <[email protected]> wrote:

    BTR1701 <[email protected]> wrote:
    May 15, 2025 at 1:56:27 PM PDT, Adam H. Kerman <[email protected]> wrote:
    BTR1701 <[email protected]> wrote:
    May 15, 2025 at 8:50:43 AM PDT, Adam H. Kerman <[email protected]> wrote:

    Today, 5/15/2025, three consolidated birthright citizenship cases will >>>>> be argued before the Supreme Court. Trump v. CASA, filed by immigrants >>>>> rights groups and several pregnant women in Maryland; Trump v.
    Washington, filed in Seattle by a group of four states; and Trump v. New >>>>> Jersey, filed in Massachusetts by a group of 18 states, the District of >>>>> Columbia, and San Francisco.

    D. John Sauer is Solicitor General. I recognized the scratchy voice. >>>>> He's made these arguments over the years and was clearly hired by Trump >>>>> to argue this type of case.

    However, Court observers have predicted that most of the time will be >>>>> spent analyzing universal injunctions, a practice that has proliferated >>>>> over the last several decades.

    These need to go. What's the point of having a Congress and a president >>>> when one unelected judge can substitute his judgment for all of theirs >>>> not just in the case before him/her but for every case across the
    nation? The judiciary doesn't not set public policy. The political
    branches do.

    The president, who is not a king but an ordinary civilian to whom
    law applies, cannot decree parts of the Constitution inapplicable or
    unenforceable. Yes, I know. There are numerous Biden examples -- student >>> loan debt forgiveness, all-encompassing immigration parole -- but that
    doesn't make Trump get to cut clauses out of the Fourteenth Amendment.

    He's not cutting the clause out, he's saying it's inapplicable to illegal
    aliens, and I agree.

    Bullshit. Trump says it's inapplicable to CHILDREN of illegal aliens and travellers. The child born in the United States committed no crime or violation of any kind of the Immigration and Nationality Act.

    The commission of crime has nothing to with granting or denying citizenship at birth.

    Sauer repeated an argument he's made before, which I don't think is
    supported by any sitting Supreme Court justice, that the citizenship >>>>> clause was limited to slaves and their children born in the United
    States freed by the Thirteenth Amendment.

    That's certainly what it was intended for by those who drafted it, wrote it,
    and passed it into law.

    And that law was immediately found unconstitutional by a Supreme Court

    The 14th Amendment was found unconstitutional? Because that's the law I'm
    talking about. Part of the Constitution itself is unconstitutional? That's >> both news to me and a legal paradox.

    You were talking about intent of Congress.

    No, I was talking about the intent of the drafters of the 14th Amendment's birthright citizenship clause.

    Congress intended the
    Thirteenth Amendment to be the broad basis for civil rights. Once
    slavery became unconstitutional, blacks (not just slaves) became persons
    with due process rights and civil rights generally, enforced by the
    Civil Rights Act of 1865.

    The Supreme Court, still the Dred Scott court, didn't see it the
    Thirteenth Amendment as a grant of legal personhood (thus reversing Dred Scott) and found the civil rights law unconstitutional.

    Of the three post-Civil War amendments, the 13th is the only one that
    can be argued to apply to freed slaves and no one else. The other two amendments, with neutral language, applied to everybody.

    If you seriously argue, like Sauer, that the Fourteenth Amendment was a
    grant of liberty to the freed men and no one else

    I'm not saying no one else. Just not people who entered the country
    illegally.

    The unborn baby did nothing illegal.

    Neither is the baby legally in the United States. Whether it's born or still
    in the womb is irrelevant. Just as a child brought here illegally (and involuntarily) by her parents at the age of two is an illegal alien despite having done nothing illegal herself.

    then we lose the
    entire notion that the Constitution and civil rights law was written in
    colorblind language. We lose the entire line of reverse discrimination
    cases starting with the tax law case that Ruth Bader Ginsburg famously
    took to the Supreme Court to more broadly apply the neutral language "on >>> the basis of sex" to her client, a dude. We lose Bakke. We lose those
    university admission cases just decided two years ago.

    Please tell me you still believe that the Constitution's language is
    neutral.

    I used to think it was just an unfortunate oversight that they didn't make >>>> that express in the text of the law and we'd either have to repeal/amend >>>> that clause or just live with illegals birthing babies here so they can >>>> be citizens. But then I was pointed to a whole line of cases that explain >>>> the phrase "and subject to the jurisdiction thereof" in the context of >>>> both the time in which it was written and its meaning under the law and >>>> which form persuasive precedent that illegal aliens are not covered by >>>> the 14th Amendment's grant of birthright citizenship.

    It is well-settled law** that if you are here without the consent of the >>>> people of the United States as expressed by their duly enacted laws, from a
    legal perspective, it is quite literally as if you are not present in this
    country. It's absurd on its face to assert that people who are illegally on
    our soil through intentional violation of our laws can, strictly by
    trespassing on it, achieve the ultimate benefit of citizenship for their >>>> kids.

    **United States v. Ju Toy, 198 U.S. 253 (1905): "A person who comes to the
    country illegally is to be regarded under the law as if he had stopped at the
    limit of its jurisdiction, although physically he may be within its
    boundaries".

    Yes I know.

    Every time you bring up that case, I ask you how the newborn baby
    himself violated the Immigration and Nationality Act, even if presuming
    his mother did?

    Intent is not an element of the offense.

    I didn't raise intent. I'm pointing out that not yet having been born at
    the point of the illegal entry means there was no violation of the law
    in question. As it's not illegal to be born, then having been born, the
    baby cannot possibly be illegally present in the United States even if
    his mother is.

    Why not? A 2-year-old child brought into the country illegally by his mother
    is illegally present in the United States despite having had no choice (or
    even comprehension) in the matter.

    You always ignore the fundamental question. Ju Toy cannot possibly apply >>> to the unborn foetus.

    Sure it can.

    Actually, looks like I forgot what the ruling was in this case. If the
    phrase in question is a quote from the ruling, then it didn't apply to
    the facts of the case.

    Ju Toy was born in the United States before the Chinese Exclusion Act of
    1882 and was denied entry at a port despite already having been
    determined to be an American citizen. Holmes ruled that he immigration
    at ports of entry is due process even though it's an administrative
    procedure and had no right to equitable relief in federal court for a maldetermination by immigration authorities.

    The opinion was overturned in Ng Fung Ho v. White (1922), that the
    detainee had a right to assert citizenship in federal court under the
    liberty clause.

    Neither case applies to those who cannot assert citizenship and a baby
    born in the United States isn't literally going through immigration.

    I suppose the mother could give birth at the port of entry but before
    she's cleared immigration. I have no idea how the birthright citizenship clause applies.

    --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05
    * Origin: fsxNet Usenet Gateway (21:1/5)
  • From Adam H. Kerman@21:1/5 to [email protected] on Fri May 16 00:13:34 2025
    BTR1701 <[email protected]> wrote:
    May 15, 2025 at 2:59:11 PM PDT, Adam H. Kerman <[email protected]> wrote: >>BTR1701 <[email protected]> wrote:
    May 15, 2025 at 1:56:27 PM PDT, Adam H. Kerman <[email protected]> wrote: >>>>BTR1701 <[email protected]> wrote:
    May 15, 2025 at 8:50:43 AM PDT, Adam H. Kerman <[email protected]> wrote:

    Today, 5/15/2025, three consolidated birthright citizenship cases will >>>>>>be argued before the Supreme Court. Trump v. CASA, filed by immigrants >>>>>>rights groups and several pregnant women in Maryland; Trump v. >>>>>>Washington, filed in Seattle by a group of four states; and Trump v. New >>>>>>Jersey, filed in Massachusetts by a group of 18 states, the District of >>>>>>Columbia, and San Francisco.

    D. John Sauer is Solicitor General. I recognized the scratchy voice. >>>>>>He's made these arguments over the years and was clearly hired by Trump >>>>>>to argue this type of case.

    However, Court observers have predicted that most of the time will be >>>>>>spent analyzing universal injunctions, a practice that has proliferated >>>>>>over the last several decades.

    These need to go. What's the point of having a Congress and a president >>>>>when one unelected judge can substitute his judgment for all of theirs >>>>>not just in the case before him/her but for every case across the >>>>>nation? The judiciary doesn't not set public policy. The political >>>>>branches do.

    The president, who is not a king but an ordinary civilian to whom
    law applies, cannot decree parts of the Constitution inapplicable or >>>>unenforceable. Yes, I know. There are numerous Biden examples -- student >>>>loan debt forgiveness, all-encompassing immigration parole -- but that >>>>doesn't make Trump get to cut clauses out of the Fourteenth Amendment.

    He's not cutting the clause out, he's saying it's inapplicable to illegal >>>aliens, and I agree.

    Bullshit. Trump says it's inapplicable to CHILDREN of illegal aliens and >>travellers. The child born in the United States committed no crime or >>violation of any kind of the Immigration and Nationality Act.

    The commission of crime has nothing to with granting or denying citizenship at >birth.

    C'mon. I added "or violation" because illegal presence is a violation of
    the act but not necessarily a crime. I'm pointing out that the newborn
    simply isn't in violation of the act.

    If the mother's status is tourist, she's not even illegally present
    while giving birth.

    We are considering the act as the child's noncitizenship is due to the
    mother's status with regard to the act.

    Sauer repeated an argument he's made before, which I don't think is >>>>>>supported by any sitting Supreme Court justice, that the citizenship >>>>>>clause was limited to slaves and their children born in the United >>>>>>States freed by the Thirteenth Amendment.

    That's certainly what it was intended for by those who drafted it, >>>>>wrote it, and passed it into law.

    And that law was immediately found unconstitutional by a Supreme Court

    The 14th Amendment was found unconstitutional? Because that's the law I'm >>>talking about. Part of the Constitution itself is unconstitutional? That's >>>both news to me and a legal paradox.

    You were talking about intent of Congress.

    No, I was talking about the intent of the drafters of the 14th Amendment's >birthright citizenship clause.

    Those would be Republican members of Congress.

    If you seriously argue, like Sauer, that the Fourteenth Amendment was a >>>>grant of liberty to the freed men and no one else

    I'm not saying no one else. Just not people who entered the country >>>illegally.

    The unborn baby did nothing illegal.

    Neither is the baby legally in the United States. Whether it's born or still >in the womb is irrelevant.

    You're can't claim there's any such law as illegal birth. That's
    ridiculous.

    Just as a child brought here illegally (and involuntarily) by her
    parents at the age of two is an illegal alien despite having done nothing >illegal herself.

    I don't accept the analogy as there is no assertion of sovereignity over foreign nationals born outside the United States. Clearly, as the act of
    being born took place in the United States, then the United States is sovereign. One's birth is always associated with geography.

    . . .

    Every time you bring up that case, I ask you how the newborn baby >>>>himself violated the Immigration and Nationality Act, even if presuming >>>>his mother did?

    Intent is not an element of the offense.

    I didn't raise intent. I'm pointing out that not yet having been born at >>the point of the illegal entry means there was no violation of the law
    in question. As it's not illegal to be born, then having been born, the >>baby cannot possibly be illegally present in the United States even if
    his mother is.

    Why not? A 2-year-old child brought into the country illegally by his mother >is illegally present in the United States despite having had no choice (or >even comprehension) in the matter.

    Because the United States is sovereign in a birth on US soil and not
    sovereign with the birth of a foreign national outside the United
    States.

    For the purpose of this clause, geography is what determines its
    applicability. You cannot deny that US law applies to the fact of a US
    birth.

    . . .

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