• Maga Mania - the Atlas Effect

    From Rich80105@21:1/5 to All on Sat Jan 11 09:54:48 2025
    Badenach is following the classic Atlas network prescription - take no prisoners, destroy, destroy, destroy.

    https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2025/jan/08/kemi-badenoch-tories-elon-musk-far-right-conservative

    Kemi Badenoch was supposed to make the Tories serious again. She has
    failed | Rafael Behr

    The House of Commons is built for confrontation, with rows of benches
    facing each other across an aisle. When the original Victorian chamber
    was blitzed to ashes during the second world war, Winston Churchill
    was adamant that the antagonistic geometry be preserved in the
    restoration. He spoke dismissively of the foreign, semi-circular
    assembly, which �enables every individual or every group to move round
    the centre, adopting various shades of pink according as the weather
    changes.�

    Churchill was leading a national unity government, but that was a
    wartime expedient. Normal democratic hostilities resumed as soon as
    Germany surrendered. MPs might rebel against their whips, or even
    defect, but it takes a national calamity or international crisis for
    Labour and Tory leaders to declare themselves on the same side.

    Donald Trump�s inauguration later this month isn�t an emergency of
    that kind, but it makes one more likely. The incoming president
    respects neither democratic principle nor diplomatic convention.
    America will still be an essential ally to Britain, but not a reliable
    one. The relationship will be shaped by petulance, surprise and
    ultimatum.

    That will make the prime minister�s job incredibly difficult. It will
    also test the official opposition. There is no natural affinity
    between Keir Starmer, the liberal-left human rights lawyer, and Trump.
    But doing business with unpalatable partners in the national interest
    is in his job description. Kemi Badenoch�s challenge, as leader of the country�s oldest-established party of the right, is more subtle. She
    doesn�t have the pressure of running foreign policy, but she does have
    a constitutional role and a duty to British democracy.

    How Badenoch responds to Maga mania radiating across the Atlantic
    matters because she is the gatekeeper of mainstream conservatism. She
    has a choice: police the boundary where reputable Tory tradition
    shades into racially aggravated nationalism, or hasten the dissolution
    of that line.

    Her preference is signalled by the decision to endorse attacks on the government over child abuse cases in the terms dictated by far-right
    conspiracy theorists, amplified by Elon Musk. The core allegation is
    of a cover-up, and it is false. There was an inquiry with a report
    published in 2022. Labour�s choice not to hold another inquiry when recommendations of the first one are still being implemented is the
    same decision the Tories made when they were in government.

    Anyone who has met Jess Phillips, the safeguarding minister, knows she
    is an independent-spirited veteran defender of the rights of women and
    girls against sexual violence. Any politician who isn�t viscerally
    appalled by Musk�s absurd and grotesque description of Phillips as a
    �rape genocide apologist� can be disqualified from the debate. (Nigel
    Farage says it was a fair exercise of free speech.)

    Anyone who listened to Starmer�s defence of Phillips on Monday could
    tell he was venting genuine and justified anger at a dangerous and
    cynical campaign of misinformation. (Badenoch accuses the prime
    minister of �smear tactics�.)

    No party leader who is interested in one day governing on behalf of
    every British citizen could endorse the view expressed by Robert
    Jenrick, shadow justice secretary, that the real problems are
    multiculturalism, men of Pakistani origin and �importing � people from
    alien cultures�. Badenoch appears to share that analysis.

    An instructive comparison can be made with a lucid rebuttal that
    former Tory attorney general Dominic Grieve posted on X, dismantling
    one of Musk�s attacks on Starmer�s record as director of public
    prosecutions. �Baseless innuendo does not contribute to serious
    debate,� Grieve concluded. Indeed not, but it harvests clicks.

    Grieve was one of 21 Tory MPs who had the whip withdrawn in 2019 as
    punishment for voting to obstruct a no-deal Brexit. He represents the
    tradition of centre-right liberal Conservatism that was once a
    doctrinal pillar of the party but is now anathematised as remainer
    heresy.

    Curiously, Badenoch describes herself as a �classic liberal�, but in
    her idiosyncratic usage that means crusading against imagined leftwing infiltration of the public sector. She has declared herself �excited�
    by the prospect of what Musk will do for an incoming Trump
    administration as head of a newly created Department of Government
    Efficiency. She predicts that �it will be absolutely brilliant.�

    That enthusiasm prevents the Tory leader voicing qualms when the tech billionaire calls for Britain to be liberated �from their tyrannical government� and for the prime minister to be jailed. Musk doesn�t
    speak for the incoming US president, but his trolling malevolence
    contains enough Trumpian spirit to serve as a warning of what politics
    might look like in the coming years.

    Full-frontal opposition is the engine of accountability in British
    politics. But there is a parallel tradition of collegiate
    bipartisanship when more is at stake than scoring a cheap point; when,
    for example, mendacious personal attacks on the prime minister by a
    powerful foreign oligarch look like systematic interference in the
    democratic process.

    The last few days have been a test for Badenoch. She could have opted
    for serious opposition. She could have understood that her job
    includes a responsibility not to debase political discourse, not to
    propagate wild inflammatory rhetoric, not to tacitly endorse calls for
    the overthrow of the government. Or she could hitch a ride on a
    far-right internet bandwagon as it rattled past, without pausing to
    consider where it might carry her or the country. She made her choice.

    It was a peculiar decision for the leader of a party that boasts of
    its organic connection to the institutions and habits of British
    democracy; the party of Churchill. But that isn�t Badenoch�s party. It
    just shares the name. Hers is a newer, shorter lineage. She hails from
    the House of Brexit, the natural successor to Boris Johnson, Liz Truss
    and Rishi Sunak in a tradition defined by incoherent bombast, culture
    war performance, policy as gimmick, intellectual vacuity clad in
    libertarian verbiage.

    Badenoch may not know it, but the pattern of her leadership is set.
    The trajectory is all too familiar. It is the path of least moral
    resistance, gravitating inexorably rightwards, laundering fanaticism
    through the mainstream Conservative brand, striving to make the
    unacceptable sound respectable.

    Rafael Behr is a Guardian columnist

    Also worth looking at:
    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Atlas_Network
    (See the close links to tobacco, oil and gas industries, the high
    level of donations from the wealthy and those interested in avoiding
    taxation on international activities, the high level of donations
    funding the organisations, and the links to New Zealand . . .

    --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05
    * Origin: fsxNet Usenet Gateway (21:1/5)
  • From Tony@21:1/5 to [email protected] on Fri Jan 10 22:10:00 2025
    Rich80105 <[email protected]> wrote:
    Badenach is following the classic Atlas network prescription - take no >prisoners, destroy, destroy, destroy.

    https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2025/jan/08/kemi-badenoch-tories-elon-musk-far-right-conservative

    Kemi Badenoch was supposed to make the Tories serious again. She has
    failed | Rafael Behr

    The House of Commons is built for confrontation, with rows of benches
    facing each other across an aisle. When the original Victorian chamber
    was blitzed to ashes during the second world war, Winston Churchill
    was adamant that the antagonistic geometry be preserved in the
    restoration. He spoke dismissively of the foreign, semi-circular
    assembly, which �enables every individual or every group to move round
    the centre, adopting various shades of pink according as the weather >changes.�

    Churchill was leading a national unity government, but that was a
    wartime expedient. Normal democratic hostilities resumed as soon as
    Germany surrendered. MPs might rebel against their whips, or even
    defect, but it takes a national calamity or international crisis for
    Labour and Tory leaders to declare themselves on the same side.

    Donald Trump�s inauguration later this month isn�t an emergency of
    that kind, but it makes one more likely. The incoming president
    respects neither democratic principle nor diplomatic convention.
    America will still be an essential ally to Britain, but not a reliable
    one. The relationship will be shaped by petulance, surprise and
    ultimatum.

    That will make the prime minister�s job incredibly difficult. It will
    also test the official opposition. There is no natural affinity
    between Keir Starmer, the liberal-left human rights lawyer, and Trump.
    But doing business with unpalatable partners in the national interest
    is in his job description. Kemi Badenoch�s challenge, as leader of the >country�s oldest-established party of the right, is more subtle. She
    doesn�t have the pressure of running foreign policy, but she does have
    a constitutional role and a duty to British democracy.

    How Badenoch responds to Maga mania radiating across the Atlantic
    matters because she is the gatekeeper of mainstream conservatism. She
    has a choice: police the boundary where reputable Tory tradition
    shades into racially aggravated nationalism, or hasten the dissolution
    of that line.

    Her preference is signalled by the decision to endorse attacks on the >government over child abuse cases in the terms dictated by far-right >conspiracy theorists, amplified by Elon Musk. The core allegation is
    of a cover-up, and it is false. There was an inquiry with a report
    published in 2022. Labour�s choice not to hold another inquiry when >recommendations of the first one are still being implemented is the
    same decision the Tories made when they were in government.

    Anyone who has met Jess Phillips, the safeguarding minister, knows she
    is an independent-spirited veteran defender of the rights of women and
    girls against sexual violence. Any politician who isn�t viscerally
    appalled by Musk�s absurd and grotesque description of Phillips as a
    �rape genocide apologist� can be disqualified from the debate. (Nigel
    Farage says it was a fair exercise of free speech.)

    Anyone who listened to Starmer�s defence of Phillips on Monday could
    tell he was venting genuine and justified anger at a dangerous and
    cynical campaign of misinformation. (Badenoch accuses the prime
    minister of �smear tactics�.)

    No party leader who is interested in one day governing on behalf of
    every British citizen could endorse the view expressed by Robert
    Jenrick, shadow justice secretary, that the real problems are >multiculturalism, men of Pakistani origin and �importing � people from
    alien cultures�. Badenoch appears to share that analysis.

    An instructive comparison can be made with a lucid rebuttal that
    former Tory attorney general Dominic Grieve posted on X, dismantling
    one of Musk�s attacks on Starmer�s record as director of public
    prosecutions. �Baseless innuendo does not contribute to serious
    debate,� Grieve concluded. Indeed not, but it harvests clicks.

    Grieve was one of 21 Tory MPs who had the whip withdrawn in 2019 as >punishment for voting to obstruct a no-deal Brexit. He represents the >tradition of centre-right liberal Conservatism that was once a
    doctrinal pillar of the party but is now anathematised as remainer
    heresy.

    Curiously, Badenoch describes herself as a �classic liberal�, but in
    her idiosyncratic usage that means crusading against imagined leftwing >infiltration of the public sector. She has declared herself �excited�
    by the prospect of what Musk will do for an incoming Trump
    administration as head of a newly created Department of Government >Efficiency. She predicts that �it will be absolutely brilliant.�

    That enthusiasm prevents the Tory leader voicing qualms when the tech >billionaire calls for Britain to be liberated �from their tyrannical >government� and for the prime minister to be jailed. Musk doesn�t
    speak for the incoming US president, but his trolling malevolence
    contains enough Trumpian spirit to serve as a warning of what politics
    might look like in the coming years.

    Full-frontal opposition is the engine of accountability in British
    politics. But there is a parallel tradition of collegiate
    bipartisanship when more is at stake than scoring a cheap point; when,
    for example, mendacious personal attacks on the prime minister by a
    powerful foreign oligarch look like systematic interference in the
    democratic process.

    The last few days have been a test for Badenoch. She could have opted
    for serious opposition. She could have understood that her job
    includes a responsibility not to debase political discourse, not to
    propagate wild inflammatory rhetoric, not to tacitly endorse calls for
    the overthrow of the government. Or she could hitch a ride on a
    far-right internet bandwagon as it rattled past, without pausing to
    consider where it might carry her or the country. She made her choice.

    It was a peculiar decision for the leader of a party that boasts of
    its organic connection to the institutions and habits of British
    democracy; the party of Churchill. But that isn�t Badenoch�s party. It
    just shares the name. Hers is a newer, shorter lineage. She hails from
    the House of Brexit, the natural successor to Boris Johnson, Liz Truss
    and Rishi Sunak in a tradition defined by incoherent bombast, culture
    war performance, policy as gimmick, intellectual vacuity clad in
    libertarian verbiage.

    Badenoch may not know it, but the pattern of her leadership is set.
    The trajectory is all too familiar. It is the path of least moral
    resistance, gravitating inexorably rightwards, laundering fanaticism
    through the mainstream Conservative brand, striving to make the
    unacceptable sound respectable.

    Rafael Behr is a Guardian columnist

    Also worth looking at:
    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Atlas_Network
    (See the close links to tobacco, oil and gas industries, the high
    level of donations from the wealthy and those interested in avoiding
    taxation on international activities, the high level of donations
    funding the organisations, and the links to New Zealand . . .
    What a completely pointless post, nothing to do with NZ and everything to do with desperation.

    --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05
    * Origin: fsxNet Usenet Gateway (21:1/5)
  • From Lawrence D'Oliveiro@21:1/5 to All on Sun Jan 12 05:06:53 2025
    On Sat, 11 Jan 2025 09:54:48 +1300, Rich80105 wrote:

    The House of Commons is built for confrontation, with rows of benches
    facing each other across an aisle.

    And packed in so tightly, shoulder to shoulder. Other, more civilized arrangements give each member space to sit comfortably while paying
    attention to what is going on.

    --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05
    * Origin: fsxNet Usenet Gateway (21:1/5)
  • From Rich80105@21:1/5 to [email protected] on Sun Jan 12 19:02:50 2025
    On Sun, 12 Jan 2025 05:06:53 -0000 (UTC), Lawrence D'Oliveiro
    <[email protected]d> wrote:

    On Sat, 11 Jan 2025 09:54:48 +1300, Rich80105 wrote:

    The House of Commons is built for confrontation, with rows of benches
    facing each other across an aisle.

    And packed in so tightly, shoulder to shoulder. Other, more civilized >arrangements give each member space to sit comfortably while paying
    attention to what is going on.

    There was a suggestion recently that New Zealand could benefit from
    having more Members of Parliament - but I think the last time the
    number was increased the chamber was barely large enough to set up
    the additional number of places - perhaps if we did increase numbers
    places at least some backbench MPs may need to do without a desk in
    front of them.

    --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05
    * Origin: fsxNet Usenet Gateway (21:1/5)
  • From Tony@21:1/5 to [email protected] on Sun Jan 12 07:59:43 2025
    Rich80105 <[email protected]> wrote:
    On Sun, 12 Jan 2025 05:06:53 -0000 (UTC), Lawrence D'Oliveiro ><[email protected]d> wrote:

    On Sat, 11 Jan 2025 09:54:48 +1300, Rich80105 wrote:

    The House of Commons is built for confrontation, with rows of benches
    facing each other across an aisle.

    And packed in so tightly, shoulder to shoulder. Other, more civilized >>arrangements give each member space to sit comfortably while paying >>attention to what is going on.

    There was a suggestion recently that New Zealand could benefit from
    having more Members of Parliament - but I think the last time the
    number was increased the chamber was barely large enough to set up
    the additional number of places - perhaps if we did increase numbers
    places at least some backbench MPs may need to do without a desk in
    front of them.
    I see no reason to increase our numbers, at least not until our poulation increases substantially.
    As a matter of interest the House of Commons does not have enough setas if all MPs turn up. It only seats about 430 of the 650 members.
    We don't need that silliness.

    --- SoupGate-Win32 v1.05
    * Origin: fsxNet Usenet Gateway (21:1/5)